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      The ecological and social context of women’s hunting in small-scale societies

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          Abstract

          Women participate in hunting in some foraging societies but not in others. To examine the socioecological factors that are conducive to women’s hunting, we conducted an ethnographic survey using the Human Relations Area Files and other selected sources authored in the past 200 years. Based on life history theory and behavioural ecology, we predicted that women should engage in hunting when: i) it poses few conflicts with childcare, ii) it is associated with few cultural restrictions around the use of hunting technology, iii) it involves low-risk game within range of camp, with the aid of dogs, and/or in groups, and, iv) women fulfil key logistical or informational roles. We systematically reviewed ethnographic documents across 64 societies and coded 242 paragraphs for the above variables. The data largely support theoretical expectations. When women hunted, they did so in a fundamentally different manner than men, focusing on smaller game and hunting in larger groups near camp, often with the aid of dogs. There was little evidence to suggest that women only participated in hunting during non-reproductive years; instead, allocate networks were a prominent strategy for mitigating trade-offs between hunting and childcare responsibilities. Women commonly fulfilled crucial informational, logistical and ritualistic roles. Cultural restrictions limited women’s participation in hunting, but not to the extent commonly assumed. These data offer a cross-cultural framework for making inferences about whether and how women’s hunting occurred in the past.

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              Is Open Access

              Food taboos: their origins and purposes

              Food taboos are known from virtually all human societies. Most religions declare certain food items fit and others unfit for human consumption. Dietary rules and regulations may govern particular phases of the human life cycle and may be associated with special events such as menstrual period, pregnancy, childbirth, lactation, and – in traditional societies – preparation for the hunt, battle, wedding, funeral, etc. On a comparative basis many food taboos seem to make no sense at all, as to what may be declared unfit by one group may be perfectly acceptable to another. On the other hand, food taboos have a long history and one ought to expect a sound explanation for the existence (and persistence) of certain dietary customs in a given culture. Yet, this is a highly debated view and no single theory may explain why people employ special food taboos. This paper wants to revive interest in food taboo research and attempts a functionalist's explanation. However, to illustrate some of the complexity of possible reasons for food taboo five examples have been chosen, namely traditional food taboos in orthodox Jewish and Hindu societies as well as reports on aspects of dietary restrictions in communities with traditional lifestyles of Malaysia, Papua New Guinea, and Nigeria. An ecological or medical background is apparent for many, including some that are seen as religious or spiritual in origin. On the one hand food taboos can help utilizing a resource more efficiently; on the other food taboos can lead to the protection of a resource. Food taboos, whether scientifically correct or not, are often meant to protect the human individual and the observation, for example, that certain allergies and depression are associated with each other could have led to declaring food items taboo that were identified as causal agents for the allergies. Moreover, any food taboo, acknowledged by a particular group of people as part of its ways, aids in the cohesion of this group, helps that particular group maintain its identity in the face of others, and therefore creates a feeling of "belonging".
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                Author and article information

                Journal
                Hunter Gatherer Research
                Hunter Gatherer Research
                Liverpool University Press
                2056-3256
                2056-3264
                December 22 2023
                : 1-32
                Affiliations
                [1 ]Department of Anthropology and Archaeology, University of Calgary, Earth Sciences, 844 Campus Place Northwest, Calgary, T2N 4V8, Canada Corresponding author:
                Article
                10.3828/hgr.2023.8
                d14a95dc-aaf6-4053-92a4-5d171ebd0e05
                © 2023
                History

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