The combination of accent method and phonemic contrast: an innovative strategy to improve speech production on post-stroke dysarthria

For over a century neuroscientists have debated the dynamics by which human cortical language networks allow words to be spoken. Although it is widely accepted that Broca's area in the left inferior frontal gyrus plays an important role in this process, it was not possible, until recently, to detail the timing of its recruitment relative to other language areas, nor how it interacts with these areas during word production. Using direct cortical surface recordings in neurosurgical patients, we studied the evolution of activity in cortical neuronal populations, as well as the Granger causal interactions between them. We found that, during the cued production of words, a temporal cascade of neural activity proceeds from sensory representations of words in temporal cortex to their corresponding articulatory gestures in motor cortex. Broca's area mediates this cascade through reciprocal interactions with temporal and frontal motor regions. Contrary to classic notions of the role of Broca's area in speech, while motor cortex is activated during spoken responses, Broca's area is surprisingly silent. Moreover, when novel strings of articulatory gestures must be produced in response to nonword stimuli, neural activity is enhanced in Broca's area, but not in motor cortex. These unique data provide evidence that Broca's area coordinates the transformation of information across large-scale cortical networks involved in spoken word production. In this role, Broca's area formulates an appropriate articulatory code to be implemented by motor cortex.

We investigated the brain systems engaged during propositional speech (PrSp) and two forms of non- propositional speech (NPrSp): counting and reciting overlearned nursery rhymes. Bilateral cerebral and cerebellar regions were involved in the motor act of articulation, irrespective of the type of speech. Three additional, left-lateralized regions, adjacent to the Sylvian sulcus, were activated in common: the most posterior part of the supratemporal plane, the lateral part of the pars opercularis in the posterior inferior frontal gyrus and the anterior insula. Therefore, both NPrSp and PrSp were dependent on the same discrete subregions of the anatomically ill-defined areas of Wernicke and Broca. PrSp was also dependent on a predominantly left-lateralized neural system distributed between multi-modal and amodal regions in posterior inferior parietal, anterolateral and medial temporal and medial prefrontal cortex. The lateral prefrontal and paracingulate cortical activity observed in previous studies of cued word retrieval was not seen with either NPrSp or PrSp, demonstrating that normal brain- language representations cannot be inferred from explicit metalinguistic tasks. The evidence from this study indicates that normal communicative speech is dependent on a number of left hemisphere regions remote from the classic language areas of Wernicke and Broca. Destruction or disconnection of discrete left extrasylvian and perisylvian cortical regions, rather than the total extent of damage to perisylvian cortex, will account for the qualitative and quantitative differences in the impaired speech production observed in aphasic stroke patients.

Spoken language comprehension requires the coordination of different subprocesses in time. After the initial acoustic analysis the system has to extract segmental information such as phonemes, syntactic elements and lexical-semantic elements as well as suprasegmental information such as accentuation and intonational phrases, i.e., prosody. According to the dynamic dual pathway model of auditory language comprehension syntactic and semantic information are primarily processed in a left hemispheric temporo-frontal pathway including separate circuits for syntactic and semantic information whereas sentence level prosody is processed in a right hemispheric temporo-frontal pathway. The relative lateralization of these functions occurs as a result of stimulus properties and processing demands. The observed interaction between syntactic and prosodic information during auditory sentence comprehension is attributed to dynamic interactions between the two hemispheres.