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      COVID-19 Outbreaks at Correctional Facilities Demand a Health Equity Approach to Criminal Justice Reform

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          Abstract

          Public health crises often bring to the forefront long-standing injustices, and the COVID-19 pandemic is no exception. We are seeing evidence of disparate impacts for people that have long faced barriers to health [1–5]. Incarcerated individuals are one such group, leading criminal justice reform advocates and public health experts to sound the alarm for reforms that many have been calling for to advance racial justice and health equity for decades. While we are not out of the woods yet, we ought to press for a long-term, bold transformation of our criminal-legal system that prioritizes community health and equity. In March 2020, warning of an impending humanitarian crisis in jails and prisons caused by COVID-19, former New York City (NYC) Health Commissioner Dr. Mary Bassett and colleagues implored New York Governor Cuomo to implement swift and aggressive policy changes [6] to protect the health and lives of hundreds to thousands of people incarcerated. Michelle Bachelet, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, framed the issue as a human rights injustice [7]. Some municipalities and states across the USA have responded with unprecedented reductions in jail and prison populations [8, 9]; yet, advocates insist that more can be done [10]. At the New York Academy of Medicine, we have been promoting and researching public health approaches over punitive, criminal justice interventions for many decades, particularly around drug policy. With attention to the synergistic nature of structural racism, poverty, environmental exposures, ageism, and other social and structural factors that affect health, we believe that a health equity approach will help address inequities in the criminal justice system. The Legacy of Mass Incarceration During a Global Health Pandemic, Past and Present We must begin with a critical examination of the criminal justice system’s history and its disparate impact on specific communities. Decades of institutional racism and discriminatory policies and practices have laid the foundation of the current system [11]. Broken windows policing and the 1973 Rockefeller Drug Laws, for example, heavily targeted Black and brown communities in their application [12]. It is well-documented that incarceration negatively affects the health of individuals, families, and communities [13, 14]. These harms threaten health equity, as the criminal-legal system disproportionately affects communities of color [15, 16]. COVID-19 has been compared with the highly fatal 1918 influenza pandemic, which was responsible for about 50 million casualties globally [17]. Maruschak et al. suggest that incarcerated individuals are particularly vulnerable during an influenza pandemic [18]. It is believed that the 1918 flu pandemic reached epic proportions, especially in places like California and Boston, because correctional health facilities were incredibly strained for vital resources and implemented ill-informed policies [19, 20]. Similar inequities associated with the 1918 pandemic persist today, creating significant health disparities between African Americans and other racial/ethnic groups [21]. For example, during the pandemic, African Americans received subpar medical treatment in segregated healthcare facilities [22] and were subjected to substandard housing conditions [23]. Despite improved social conditions for African Americans since 1918 [24, 25], many have drawn parallels amid the COVID-19 pandemic [26–28]. For instance, in Nashville and Memphis, there are reports of disparate access to testing sites between White and Black neighborhoods, highlighting the inequitable distribution of resources [29]. Detention Centers as Hotbeds for Disease Transmission Jails and prisons were not designed to brave a public health crisis like this. In fact, several characteristics of these facilities make them ideal places for the transmission of infectious diseases [30]: Overcrowding and high levels of human contact Unsanitary conditions and inadequate access to basic cleaning supplies Severely limited capacity for healthcare services Perhaps the most distinctive feature of detention settings is the restriction on personal freedoms that allow people in other settings to practice seemingly basic public health recommendations [31]. This may be best exemplified by the fact that in some facilities, hand sanitizer is considered contraband [32]. Furthermore, jails and prisons are not enclosed systems: the churning of people in and out of these facilities may increase community spread [33]. On any given week, approximately 200,000 people cycle in and out of jails [34], including jail staff and those detained [35]. Finally, incarcerated older adults and individuals with chronic conditions, including asthma and diabetes, are at an increased risk for COVID-19 [36]. Nearly half of incarcerated individuals have at least one chronic illness [37], and older incarcerated populations in particular are more likely to suffer from these conditions than the general population [38]. This burden of COVID-19 risk factors compounds the infrastructure challenges that jails and prisons face in implementing containment strategies. Unintended Consequences of COVID-19 Policy Changes As jurisdictions recognize the urgency of the situation through decarceration efforts, a number of new policies have emerged that may counteract this progress and exacerbate racial/ethnic inequities [39]. Increased police surveillance and enforcement of physical distancing laws may counterproductively increase the population of local jails and intensify jail-based COVID-19 outbreaks [40–42]. Exacerbating the issue in New York, the state recently rolled back elements of its sweeping bail reform policy aimed at reducing the jail population, most notably by expanding the list of bail-eligible offenses. As a result of these rollbacks [43, 44], a significant number of people may become detained during this pandemic [45]. Proponents of bail reform across the country, however, are unwavering in their plea for a moratorium on the prosecution of low-level and bail-eligible crimes [46]. NYC Rikers Island Crisis as a Case Study for Criminal Justice Reform and Health Equity The number of identified COVID-19 cases among incarcerated individuals is rising at a staggering rate [47, 48]. Individuals detained at NYC’s Rikers Island have an estimated crude infection rate over seven times that of the rest of the city [49]. Tragically, as of May 12, 2020, 352 people currently incarcerated in NYC jails are infected with COVID-19, and three people have died while in custody. An additional 192 health professional staff and 1387 correctional staff across NYC jails have tested positive for COVID-19 [50]. Various strategies are being employed to curb the spread of the virus among NYC high risk jail populations. Since March 16, the NYC jail population has been reduced by approximately 30% [51]. Those in need of emergency housing are released to hotels with onsite services to mitigate the impact on other congregate settings. Despite these dramatic reductions, NYC continues to rely on the criminal justice system to enforce physical distancing and prosecute drug-related crimes, with reports suggesting racial/ethnic inequities in enforcement [52, 53]. In fact, newly released New York Police Department data indicates that over 80% of individuals who were summoned for social distancing violations were Black or Hispanic [54]. Criminal justice reform advocates press on calling for further releases of incarcerated individuals, increased funding for reentry services, and an end to relying on the criminal justice system to address public health issues [55, 56]. Health Equity During and After COVID-19 Now, more than ever, our carceral system needs broad reforms rooted in health equity to stem the spread of COVID-19 and the disparities in morbidity and mortality. If carefully designed, reforms have the potential to make a long-lasting impact on the broader health and safety of communities. We suggest a four-pronged approach to integrating health equity into criminal justice reform: We must address the underlying reasons why people are punished by the system, including poverty, substance use and mental illness, a lack of educational and economic opportunities, and systemic racism. Recognizing the importance of redirecting government resources to address these issues, the New York City Council has proposed to close Rikers Island by 2026 and invest millions of dollars into communities disproportionately impacted by mass incarceration through reentry, health, and preventive programs [57]. Policies and practices grounded in health, science, and compassion should be prioritized to reduce unnecessary community interactions with the criminal justice system. The First Step Act [58], enacted in December 2018, is a step in this direction by, for instance, relaxing mandatory minimums for certain drug offenses. Advocates have called for the elimination of criminal penalties associated with drug-related crimes [59] and a reorientation to a health and harm reduction-oriented approach, inspired by the infamous Portugal model. During incarceration and upon release, correctional supportive services must prepare individuals for successful reentry, such as access to medical treatment services and practical educational programs. Providing education in correctional settings is associated with positive outcomes [60]. Yet, nearly three in five people detained in prisons do not receive an education program while incarcerated [61]. The Bard Prison Initiative, for instance, offers incarcerated individuals an opportunity to earn associate of arts and bachelor of arts degrees [62]. Continuity of care following release can also be addressed for many individuals incarcerated by leveraging the Medicaid Waiver system to expand coverage and services to individuals leaving jails and prisons. This can be an especially powerful tool for connecting individuals with substance use disorders to evidence-based treatments upon release, a population that is at significant risk for drug-related deaths [63]. Lastly, local wisdom must be an integral component of the decision-making process, especially membership organizations. The Institute for Law and Justice’s guidance on community engagement echoes this sentiment, emphasizing the need to identify community strengths in forming neighborhood-police collaboration efforts [64]. Criminal justice reform is intricately tied to public health and health equity. We can no longer afford to ignore social and structural inequities that affect justice-involved individuals—today and after shelter-in-place orders end.

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          Prisons and custodial settings are part of a comprehensive response to COVID-19

          Prisons are epicentres for infectious diseases because of the higher background prevalence of infection, the higher levels of risk factors for infection, the unavoidable close contact in often overcrowded, poorly ventilated, and unsanitary facilities, and the poor access to health-care services relative to that in community settings. 1 Infections can be transmitted between prisoners, staff and visitors, between prisons through transfers and staff cross-deployment, and to and from the community. As such, prisons and other custodial settings are an integral part of the public health response to coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19). One of the first documented influenza outbreaks in prison occurred in San Quentin prison in California, USA, during the 1918 influenza pandemic. In three separate instances, infection was introduced by a newly received prisoner, and a single transfer to another prison resulted in an outbreak there. Isolation was central to containment. 2 More recently, prison influenza outbreaks have been described in the USA, Canada, Australia, Taiwan, and Thailand.3, 4 We are unaware of any published reports of influenza outbreaks in youth detention or immigration detention centres, although modelling suggests that outbreaks would progress similarly in these settings. 5 Since early 2020, COVID-19 outbreaks have been documented worldwide, including Iran, where 70 000 prisoners have been released in an effort to reduce in-custody transmission. 6 Prisons concentrate individuals who are susceptible to infection and those with a higher risk of complications. COVID-19 has an increased mortality in older people and in those with chronic diseases or immunosuppression. Notably, multimorbidity is normative among people in prison, often with earlier onset and greater severity than in the general population, and prison populations are ageing in many countries. 7 Furthermore, inadequate investment in prison health, substantial overcrowding in some prison settings, and rigid security processess have the potential to delay diagnosis and treatment. As such, COVID-19 outbreaks in custodial settings are of importance for public health, for at least two reasons: first, that explosive outbreaks in these settings have the potential to overwhelm prison health-care services and place additional demands on overburdened specialist facilities in the community; and second, that, with an estimated 30 million people released from custody each year globally, prisons are a vector for community transmission that will disproportionately impact marginalised communities. What must be done to mitigate the impact of large outbreaks of COVID-19 in prisons? The public health importance of prison responses to influenza outbreaks has been recognised in the USA, 8 where the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention have developed a checklist for pandemic influenza preparedness in correctional settings. WHO has also issued prison-specific guidance for responding to COVID-19 (panel ). 9 Panel Prison-specific guidance for responding to COVID-19 Joint planning Include prison health and correctional authorities in the overall public health response, rather than permitting them to plan and operate in isolation. Risk management Design and implement adequate systems for limiting importation and exportation of cases from or to the community, and transmission and spread within prisons. Prevention and control Develop protocols for entry screening, personal protection measures, social distancing, environmental cleaning and disinfection, and restriction of movement, including limitation of transfers and access for non-essential staff and visitors. Treatment Explicitly and transparently align prison health systems with the wider health and emergency planning systems, including transfer protocols for patients requiring specialised care. Isolate cases and contacts if required to control the spread of infection in prisons. However, special consideration of the potentially serious mental health effects of isolation in these settings is essential.10, 11 In high-income countries, maintaining isolation without depriving incarcerated people of human contact might be possible. 12 Information sharing Close collaboration between health and justice ministries should be established to ensure continuity of information, which is a crucial component of an effective, coordinated, whole-of-government response. Governance of prison health by a ministry of health, rather than a ministry of justice or similar, is likely to facilitate timely information sharing. 13 Prison health is public health by definition. Despite this and the very porous borders between prisons and communities, prisons are often excluded or treated as separate from public health efforts. The fast spread of COVID-19 will, like most epidemics, disproportionately affect the most disadvantaged people. Therefore, to mitigate the effects of prison outbreaks on tertiary health-care facilities and reduce morbidity and mortality among society's most marginalised, it is crucial that prisons, youth detention centres, and immigration detention centres are embedded within the broader public health response.
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            Incarceration as a catalyst for worsening health

            The primary aim of this paper is to explicate the mechanisms through which incarceration affects health. Guided by theories that emphasize the compounding nature of inequality and with a focus on those that are disproportionately impacted by the drastic increase of incarceration over the last three decades, an exploration of these mechanisms is undertaken. This investigation provides a better understanding of the issues that are faced by incarcerated individuals in the incarceration environment, after release, and via macro-level policy. Finally, a hypothetical heuristic framework is presented that illustrates the ways in which incarceration affects individual, family and community level health. Implications for policy intervention programs and future research that serve to address diminished health among incarcerated populations are discussed. Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (doi:10.1186/2194-7899-1-3) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.
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              Race and 1918 Influenza Pandemic in the United States: A Review of the Literature

              During epidemics, the poorest part of the population usually suffers the most. Alfred Crosby noted that the norm changed during the 1918 influenza pandemic in the US: The black population (which were expected to have higher influenza morbidity and mortality) had lower morbidity and mortality than the white population during the autumn of 1918. Crosby’s explanation for this was that black people were more exposed to a mild spring/summer wave of influenza earlier that same year. In this paper, we review the literature from the pandemic of 1918 to better understand the crossover in the role of race on mortality. The literature has used insurance, military, survey, and routine notification data. Results show that the black population had lower morbidity, and during September, October, and November, lower mortality but higher case fatality than the white population. The results also show that the black population had lower influenza morbidity prior to 1918. The reasons for lower morbidity among the black population both at baseline and during the herald and later waves in 1918 remain unclear. Results may imply that black people had a lower risk of developing the disease given exposure, but when they did get sick, they had a higher risk of dying.
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                Author and article information

                Contributors
                daniel.alohan@columbia.edu
                mcalvo@nyam.org
                Journal
                J Urban Health
                J Urban Health
                Journal of Urban Health : Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine
                Springer US (New York )
                1099-3460
                1468-2869
                3 June 2020
                : 1-6
                Affiliations
                [1 ]GRID grid.21729.3f, ISNI 0000000419368729, Department of Sociomedical Sciences, , Columbia University Mailman School of Public Health, ; New York, NY USA
                [2 ]GRID grid.410402.3, ISNI 0000 0004 0443 1799, New York Academy of Medicine, ; New York, NY USA
                Author information
                http://orcid.org/0000-0001-9870-2980
                Article
                459
                10.1007/s11524-020-00459-1
                7268962
                32495118
                3cce1c31-a4e2-45e1-a73a-53d62466c38d
                © The New York Academy of Medicine 2020

                This article is made available via the PMC Open Access Subset for unrestricted research re-use and secondary analysis in any form or by any means with acknowledgement of the original source. These permissions are granted for the duration of the World Health Organization (WHO) declaration of COVID-19 as a global pandemic.

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