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      Sandpaper-Gate: Psychology Plays its Innings

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          Abstract

          Ah! An emotion-filled, hectic week for passionate cricket lovers like us. Since the telecast of the ball-tampering video during day 3 of the third test match between Australia and South Africa at Newlands, Cape Town, a lot has transpired – cheating, confession, punishment, and apology. These are not new to either sports or sports psychology. Gender deception, bribery, match and spot fixing, doping and, the latest hype, ball tampering are all well known. Perhaps, tampering the cricket ball to extract enhanced reverse swing, although argued for being a relatively lower level offence, fits best into the definition of “cheating,” which is a “deceptive behavior intended to break the rules and make illegitimate gains.”[1] Apart from match and spot fixing, where players are bribed mostly to underperform, resorting to illegitimate means or cheating is driven by an ultimate motive to win. The modern sport in general, not limited to any particular sport or team or individual, has been criticized for their “winning at all cost” attitude.[2] Perhaps, this attitude has been termed as “popular mythology” that is ruining the modern sports.[2 3] The Australian “win at all cost” attitude has been blamed, by the sports and telecast media, as being the primary motivation behind the index “sandpaper-gate” cheating saga. Indeed, “goal orientation” has been an important variable in sports psychology research that is studied as a predictor of cheating. Grossly, two types of goal orientations have been defined: (a) Task orientation, where the goal is mastering a skill or task and (b) Ego orientation, where the goal is to attain success by outperforming an opponent.[4] This “motivation-cheating” relationship in sports was very recently examined by Ring and Kavussanu using an experimental design.[5] They reported that athletes having higher ego orientation and lower task orientation use illegitimate means to win. Several previous studies have uniformly found a positive correlation between ego orientation and cheating among athletes, footballers, and tennis players.[6 7 8 9 10] Social learning theories have aided the moral growth in sports for a long time now.[11] Mezirow's transformative learning theory, in particular, has been used to transform “winning at all costs” perspective to a more acceptable, “give us back our game” (GUBOG) perspective in sports.[12] GUBOG is an approach that aims at developing sporting talent while maintaining the human rights and dignity of the sportsperson. Interestingly, studies have also hypothesized that moral-antisocial attitudes mediate the relationship between ego orientation and cheating.[5 6 7 8 9 10] Recently, Kavussanu and Stanger[13] reviewed the existing literature and endorsed this relationship. A couple of other findings from that review are particularly interesting in the current context. First, “anticipated guilt for acting antisocially inhibits antisocial behavior.” This realization, however, seems to have come a little late, when Steven Smith said “anytime you think about making a questionable decision, think about who you are reflecting, you are reflecting your parents. And to see the way my… old man is paining… and my mom… it hurts.” Second, “antisocial behavior brings anger in teammates.” The way past cricketers, mostly Australians, reacted on this issue reflects just this. By “antisocial behavior,” here, we precisely indicate the tampering incident and genuinely believe that it was just a “slip” in the moral behavior of those accused, and are not drawing any parallels onto the characteristics of antisocial personality or pathology. Neither are we questioning the personal motivations of players nor do we have any intention of demeaning the integrity of a team. Now moving onto confession, punishment, and apology. All the three cricketers who were found guilty in the “Newlands saga” have publically confessed their mistake and sought apologies. “Apologies” have been put forth as to serve a role of “social lubrication.”[14] It has also been observed that apologies can magically transform an act—from something offensive into something acceptable.[15] Fascinatingly, psychological and neural bases of how apology emolliates reactive aggression and promotes forgiveness are also being experimentally studied.[16] While guidance based on conflict resolution and related psychological aspects on “how” and “when” apologies should be given is available,[17] we can never be certain whether or not these three cricketers took advice on giving apologies. Consider the confessions made by Steven Smith and Cameron Bancroft immediately after the incident (on the 3rd day of the test match) and the ones that came about 5 days later. A distinction is very much evident, isn't it? Social psychology literature (although not directly related to sports) suggests that improper timing of an apology, i.e., immediately after a transgression, invokes suspicion and raises questions about its sincerity.[17 18] Results from experimental studies that used hypothetical situations have also shown that later apologies were more effective and that this was mediated by a feeling of being heard and being understood.[14] The later (emotion fueled) apologetic confessions that came after a strict ban being imposed on them seem to be an attempt to convert a relatively retributive punishment (where punishment is proportionate to crime) to a restorative one (where offenders are encouraged to take responsibility for their actions and to repair the harm they have done)[19] and a plead for forgiveness, not just from fans and fraternity, but also from authorities. Considering that the offence has been committed against “cricket” and not just the opponent team, arguably, a retributive punishment is a popular choice. However, should they agree to become the emissaries of something like the GUBOG approach in cricket, a restorative judgment may well be considered. Significant emotional reactions were evident during these confessions, and it is important to discuss them as well from a psychological perspective. The emotion that was displayed portrays “repentance.” Perhaps, repentance and forgiveness are closely related.[20] Socio-psychological research has shown that repentance leads to increased perceptual validation, which is socially verifying that one is correct about one's interpretation of an event and that such validation marks forgiveness.[21] Literature also suggests that forgiveness restores baseline-prosocial orientation.[22] With a conception that “sandpapergate” was just a slip in the morality of the sportspersons in question, forgiveness hence becomes much more pertinent. Santelli et al.[23] had shown that transgressor's repentance mediates victims' (in this case, cricket and sports' fans and community) regulatory focus and their forgiveness of the transgressor. On the other hand, with some sports journalists going on to even call the kind of emotions “Hansie tears,”[24] alternate and more cynical views shall also be reflected in this article. As we consider that antisocial affinities mediate cheating, such affinities have also been found as major risk factors for susceptibility to false confessions.[25] Although in a strict sense, they do not qualify for a “false confession,” incompleteness and minimization have been speculated in the stereotypic public statements made by the three cricketers. There are some descriptions in criminal psychology, where suspects have made false confessions and accepted prosecution, in order to evade stricter interrogations.[16] Intriguingly, experimental studies have shown that altruism toward fellow group members is at play in false confessions.[26] Only time will tell whether or not these confessions, perhaps not in a concrete sense, are closer to “altruistic false confessions” that were made in order to protect other team members (members of a larger “leadership” group), who might well be involved in the “plan,” from further interrogations and punishments. Financial support and sponsorship Nil. Conflicts of interest There are no conflicts of interest.

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          Most cited references22

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          Forgiveness and Justice: A Research Agenda for Social and Personality Psychology

          Forgiveness and related constructs (e.g., repentance, mercy, reconciliation) are ripe for study by social and personality psychologists, including those interested in justice. Current trends in social science, law, management, philosophy, and theology suggest a need to expand existing justice frameworks to incorporate alternatives or complements to retribution, including forgiveness and related processes. In this article, we raise five challenging empirical questions about forgiveness. For each question, we briefly review representative research, raise hypotheses, and suggest specific ways in which social and personality psychologists could make distinctive contributions.
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            Goal orientations and moral identity as predictors of prosocial and antisocial functioning in male association football players.

            The purpose of this study was to examine the effects of task and ego goal orientation and moral identity on prosocial and antisocial judgement and behaviour in football. The interaction between task and ego orientation in predicting these variables was also examined. Participants were 210 adult male footballers (age 25 +/- 6 years) competing at recreational (n = 133) and semi-professional (n = 77) levels. They completed questionnaires measuring task and ego goal orientation, the importance of moral identity, prosocial and antisocial judgement, frequency of prosocial and antisocial behaviours in football, and social desirability. Regression analysis revealed no main effects for goal orientations and moral identity on prosocial judgement and behaviour. However, a significant interaction effect between task and ego orientation emerged in relation to prosocial judgement. Specifically, task orientation positively predicted prosocial judgement only at low levels of ego orientation. Ego orientation emerged as a positive predictor of antisocial judgement and behaviour, whereas moral identity negatively predicted these variables. The differentiation between prosocial and antisocial aspects of morality was supported. It was concluded that examining moral identity and interactions between task and ego orientation adds to our understanding of the influence of these variables on prosocial and antisocial functioning in sport.
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              The relationship of task and ego orientation to sportsmanship attitudes and the perceived legitimacy of injurious acts.

              Nicholls's theory of achievement motivation (1989) assumes one's goal orientation in an achievement activity is consistent with one's views concerning what is acceptable behavior in that setting. The purpose of this study was to determine the relationship of a task and ego goal orientation (i.e., the tendency to focus on personal mastery or beating others, respectively) to sportsmanship attitudes and perceptions of the legitimacy of aggressive acts by testing this assumption in the context of interscholastic sport. Fifty-six male and 67 female high school basketball players completed a three-part questionnaire assessing (a) individual differences in goal orientation, (b) approval of "unsportsmanlike play/cheating," "strategic play," and "sportsmanship behaviors," and (c) subjective ratings of the legitimacy of intentionally injurious behaviors. All measures were basketball-specific. Results indicated a low task orientation and high ego orientation corresponded to an endorsement of unsportsmanlike play/cheating. Ego orientation positively related to the rating of aggressive acts as more legitimate. Gender differences in goal orientation, sportsmanship attitudes, and legitimacy ratings were observed.
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                Author and article information

                Journal
                Indian J Psychol Med
                Indian J Psychol Med
                IJPsyM
                Indian Journal of Psychological Medicine
                Medknow Publications & Media Pvt Ltd (India )
                0253-7176
                0975-1564
                May-Jun 2018
                : 40
                : 3
                : 296-298
                Affiliations
                [1]Department of Psychiatry, All India Institute of Medical Sciences, Rishikesh, Uttarakhand, India
                [1 ]Department of Psychiatry, Shri Guru Ram Rai Institute of Medical and Health Sciences, Dehradun, Uttarakhand, India
                Author notes
                Address for correspondence: Dr. Sai Krishna Tikka Department of Psychiatry, All India Institute of Medical Sciences, Virbhadra Road, Rishikesh - 249 203, Uttarakhand, India. E-mail: cricsai@ 123456gmail.com
                Article
                IJPsyM-40-296
                10.4103/IJPSYM.IJPSYM_151_18
                5968657
                2f691f9f-8c4c-4242-8c89-ff9002d7af20
                Copyright: © 2018 Indian Psychiatric Society - South Zonal Branch

                This is an open access journal, and articles are distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 License, which allows others to remix, tweak, and build upon the work non-commercially, as long as appropriate credit is given and the new creations are licensed under the identical terms.

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                Clinical Psychology & Psychiatry

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